Culture and Politics in Early Stuart England by Kevin Sharpe, Peter Lake
By Kevin Sharpe, Peter Lake
In recent times new faculties of historiography and feedback have recast the political and cultural histories of Elizabethan and early Stuart England. notwithstanding, for all of the merits in their insights, so much revisionist historians have too narrowly focussed on excessive politics to the overlook of values and beliefs, and New Historicist literary students have displayed an inadequate snatch of chronology and old context. The members to this pioneering quantity, richly fusing those techniques, observe a revisionist shut recognition to moments to the big variety of texts - verbal and visible - that critics have began to learn as representations of energy and politics. Excitingly broadening the variety of components and facts for the research of politics, those awesome essays display how the learn of excessive tradition - classical translations, court docket pictures royal palaces, the behavior of chivalric rite - and occasional tradition - reasonable pamphlets and scurrilous verses - let us to reconstruct the languages during which contemporaries interpreted their political surroundings. the quantity posits a reconsideration of the conventional antithetical strategies - courtroom and state, verbal and visible, serious and complimentary, elite and well known; examines the buildings of an ethical and social order enacted in a wide selection of cultural practices; and demonstrates how universal vocabularies may perhaps in replaced conditions be mixed and deployed to maintain relatively diverse ideological positions. This publication opens a brand new schedule for the examine of the politics of tradition and the tradition of politics in early glossy England.
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Additional resources for Culture and Politics in Early Stuart England
As a paradigm applied to English politics it fed nostalgia for the Elizabethan past - now widely regarded as a period more virtuous than the present- and acute paranoia about the designs of the Buckingham and other courtiers. 88 Yet it was also possible, as Bolton had shown, to interpret imperial rule as the salvation of Rome from the evils of factiousness and demagoguery. This view might easily buttress ideological support for a resort to prerogative measures. Perhaps the clearest example of such a reading of Roman history appeared in 1632, under the title, Augustus: Or an Essay of those Means and Counsels, whereby the Commonwealth of Rome was Altered and Reduced unto a Monarchy.
His uncle, Seneca the Younger, had acted as tutor to the Emperor Nero and became his leading counsellor and speechwriter in his first years of power. The opening lines of Lucan's epic of the Roman civil wars praise Nero highly, and some scholars have argued that they were written early in Nero's reign when there were still hopes that he would prove an ideal ruler. Lucan's grim warnings of the terrors of civil war could be read as a strong disincentive to rebellion. For a time Lucan enjoyed Nero's patronage.
In 1628 May's Tragedy of Julia Agrippina graphically portrayed the murderous intrigues and moral degeneration of Nero's court, laying particular stress on the destruction of noblemen by ruthless freedmen at court. 92 A few years later the most serious charge against William Prynne arising out of the publication of Satiromastix was that he had used the reign of Nero as a precedent justifying the violent overthrow oftyrants. 93 Roman historiography thus not only provided a variety of precedents that could be used to justify resistance theory or absolutism.