Fascism in Europe, 1919-1945 (Routledge Companions) by Philip Morgan

By Philip Morgan

Fascism in Europe, 1919-1945 surveys the phenomenon that's nonetheless the article of curiosity and debate over fifty years after its defeat within the moment global struggle. It introduces the hot scholarship and carrying on with debates at the nature of fascism in addition to the customarily contentious contributions through international historians and political scientists. From the pre-First international battle highbrow origins of Fascism to its dying in 1945, this ebook examines: * the 2 'waves' of fascism - within the quick post-war interval and within the overdue Twenties and early Nineteen Thirties* no matter if the ecu situation created through the Treaty of Versailles allowed fascism to take root* why fascism got here to energy in Italy and Germany, yet no longer wherever else in Europe* fascism's personal declare to be a world and internationalist circulation* the assumption of 'totalitarianism' because the most dear and applicable manner of examining the fascist regimes.

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Later, there was the Cercle Proudhon, what we would now call a think tank, which in 1911–12 brought together men associated with Action Française and some of Sorel’s syndicalist protégés, a liaison which was so short-lived that it raises doubts as to whether the marriage of ideas had really been consummated. Roger Griffin, who generally takes on board Sternhell’s thesis, prefers to use the term ‘proto-fascism’ to describe these projects, which suggests that they were ancestors, some early primitive forms of fascism.

The Depression helped to make fascism an international phenomenon, most notably in the triumph of Nazism in Germany, and also in the emergence of new fascist movements in various European countries. Mussolini, the Fascist dictator of Italy, and in power since 1922, could move under the impact of the Depression from a position in the mid-1920s that fascism was not for export, to one in the early 1930s which proclaimed a ‘universal’ fascism, capable of replacing in all countries demonstrably bankrupt and dysfunctional democratic and capitalist systems.

It was also one reason why war veterans’ associations were set up after the war in all belligerent countries, enabling ex-combatants to remember and keep alive the comradeship of shared risk and sacrifice, and in so doing, to sublimate the terrible destructiveness of modern warfare; to make the very best of times out of the very worst of times. In the sublimation of the war experience was rooted one of the most powerful myths of the war, that of ‘combatantism’, on which several postwar political movements, including fascism, were to draw.

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