Forced Migration and Global Politics by Alexander Betts
By Alexander Betts
Utilizing real-world examples and in-depth case experiences, Forced Migration and worldwide Politics systematically applies diplomacy concept to discover the overseas politics of compelled migration.
- Provides an available and thought-provoking creation to the most debates and ideas in diplomacy and examines their relevance for realizing compelled migration
- Utilizes a wide-range of real-world examples and in-depth case stories, together with the harmonization of european asylum and immigration coverage and the securitization of asylum because Sep 11
- Explores the relevance of state of the art debates in diplomacy to pressured migration
Chapter 1 diplomacy Theories (pages 18–42):
Chapter 2 Sovereignty and the nation process (pages 43–59):
Chapter three protection (pages 60–79):
Chapter four overseas Cooperation (pages 80–98):
Chapter five international Governance (pages 99–126):
Chapter 6 North–South kinfolk and the overseas Political economic system (pages 127–144):
Chapter 7 Globalization (pages 145–163):
Chapter eight Regionalism (pages 164–184):
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Extra resources for Forced Migration and Global Politics
Meanwhile, many critical theorists examine the negative consequences of absolute sovereignty, and the implications it has for human rights. Understanding the relationship between state sovereignty and forced migration is crucial for understanding the international politics of forced migration. Concepts such as “refugee” and “IDP” exist in relation to sovereignty and the state. Their legal definitions are entirely relational to the state system. The notions of a “refugee” or “IDP” only make sense insofar as they describe a relationship between the concepts of citizen, state, and territory that comprise the nation-state.
For example, it would suggest that the ad hoc agreements of the League of Nations era, the creation of UNHCR initially to overcome displacement in Europe, and the global regime created in 1967 were all based on the recognition by states that they would all be better off with international cooperation than with unilateralism, free-riding and shirking responsibility. A liberal institutionalist perspective would suggest that the endurance of the refugee regime is difficult to explain by neo-realism’s emphasis on states’ short-run interests but once an institutional framework guarantees reciprocity it is in states’ long-run interests to continue to comply with the basis of the 1951 Convention and the 1967 Protocol even given changing political circumstances.
Indeed, the citizen– territory–state nexus of the modern state system, defined by both its internal authority vis-à-vis the population and its external authority, defined by states’ mutual recognition, is a creation of the seventeenth century and emerged within a European context. Medieval Europe was characterized by feudalism, which in its most basic form can be understood as the granting of land in return for military service. The land-owning nobility would provide land and property rights to people in exchange for allegiance and security.