Hellenistic History and Culture (Hellenistic Culture and by Peter Green

By Peter Green

In a 1988 convention, American and British students unexpectedly stumbled on that their principles have been converging in ways in which shaped a brand new photograph of the variegated Hellenistic mosaic. That photo emerges in those essays and eloquently monitors the breadth of contemporary curiosity within the Hellenistic Age.

A mistrust of all ideologies has altered previous perspectives of historical political constructions, and feminism has additionally replaced prior tests. the present emphasis on multiculturalism has consciously deemphasized the Western, Greco-Roman culture, and Nubians, Bactrians, and different topic peoples of the time are receiving cognizance of their personal correct, not only as recipients of Greco-Roman culture.

History, like Herakleitos' river, by no means stands nonetheless. those essays proportion a collective feel of discovery and a sparking of latest ideas—they are a welcome commencing to the reexploration of a fascinatingly advanced age.

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20] The critics' position may be summarized thus: (a) Granier and others have constructed a theoretical model based upon an unacceptable assumption, namely that peoples' rights were recognized by Macedonian kings but not realized in practice; (b) the evidence used to support the model comes mainly from the Hellenistic period, and the assumption that there was an institutional continuity from early Macedon to the Hellenistic period is unproven; (c) the evidence from the reign of Alexander the Great that shows occasional meetings of the army for some judicial or forensic purpose describes a special situation—an exception to the rule, not the rule itself; and (d) there is no supporting evidence from reliable contemporary writers, such as Aristotle.

27. App. Syr. 54. 28. Memnon, FGrH 434 F8. 29. Trogus, Prologue 17: cognomine Ceraunus creatus ab exercitu. 30. Just. 1. 31. Just. 2: ad contionem quoque vocato exercitu. 32. Just. 4: ut maiestas eius testis decretorum esset. 33. Polyb. 1. 34. Polyb. 11. 35. Thuc. 99. 36. 3. 37. Plut. Alex. 1–4, Demetr. 37. 38. Arr. 7. 39. 1. 40. Cf. Hammond, Ancient Macedonia, vol. 4 (Thessaloniki, 1986), 87ff. 41. C. Vatin, Proc. 8th Epigr. Conf. (Athens, 1984), 259–70; cf. L. Missitzis, Ancient World 12 (1985): 3–14, Hammond, CQ 38 (1988): 382–91.

46. Polyb. 4: δορκ τητον. 47. Arr. 6. 48. Arr. 1. 49. Just. 2. 50. Plut. Pyrrh. 1. 51. Plut. Eum. 6. 52. 2. 53. Polyb. 4. 54. 3. 55. Plut. Pyrrh. 1. 56. A. H. M. Jones, The Greek City from Alexander to Justinian (Oxford, 1940). Notes to Response 1. Throughout I prefer “Argead” to Hammond's “Temenid,” as I hold that the tradition of a Temenid (Argive Greek) origin for the Macedonian royal family is a story probably derived from the propaganda of Alexander I; see my “Athenians, Macedonians and the Origins of the Macedonian Royal House,” Hesperia, suppl.

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